A Different Kind of Child Development Institution: The History of After-School Programs for Low-Income Children ROBERT HALPERN Erikson Institute for Graduate Study in Child Development Over the past decade politicians and. 1.Purpose of this Guide Eric Selya March 14, 2014. Dear Sonny Rollins, My daughter Abigail is a huge fan of yours. She loves to listen to your music. I was hoping to give her your autograph for her college graduation from UC Davis June 2015.
If You Get A Summons . Performing on the Streets and in the Parks. Street Performing Across the United States. PURPOSE OF THIS GUIDEYou have a right to perform in the subways, on the sidewalks, and in the parks of New York City. The purpose of this guide is to clarify your rights and responsibilities as public space performers, especially when you are setting up underground. We also hope that officers in the New York Police Department, Station Managers, and Hearing Officers will find this guide useful when they are implementing New York City Transit regulations permitting subway performances.
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The Street Performers’ Advocacy Project was formed in 1. They decided that a guide would advance their goal of encouraging spontaneous expression and a sense of community whenever and wherever possible. In the same spirit, we have revised the guide to reflect more recent court rulings and current government policies. Now that the guide is on the web, we hope to update it on a more regular basis.
The sections of this guide are as follows: SOME HISTORY? You can reach us at: (2. SOME HISTORYAs long as there have been streets, there have been street performers.
In ancient Egypt and Greece, people entertained and passed the hat for donations. During the Middle Ages in Europe, troubadours were the personal street performers of the aristocrats, while minstrels and jongleurs brought joy to the general public. In colonial America, twelve- year- old Benjamin Franklin sang on the streets of Philadelphia! At the turn of the century, immigrants helped to make street performing popular in New York. There were German marching bands and Italian organ grinders. During the Great Depression, banjo players set up on subway and elevated platforms. Government authorities never knew exactly what to make of street performing.
They seemed to think its spontaneity was a threat to law and order. In the 1. 93. 0s, New York Mayor Fiorello La. Guardia called them beggars (he defended the poor but disapproved of panhandling), and he made it illegal to perform on New York City’s streets. And yet the elevated and underground subway platforms were not quiet. Artists still expressed themselves and attracted an audience underground.
In the 1. 94. 0s, for example, Woody Guthrie, Pete Seeger, and others involved in the growing Urban Folk Revival Movement pulled out guitars while waiting for their trains. Not only did they reclaim public space, they believed that songs could change social conditions. In the early 1. 96. African American and Italian American men sang doo- wop inside subway cars and received donations from appreciative riders. In 1. 98. 7, with the creation of an official MUNY (Music Under New York) program, public performers have been recognized by authorities.
The program is now funded and directed by the MTA Arts for Transit office. Whether you were raised in New York City or in a country with its own street performing tradition, you are helping to carry on a respected urban tradition. YOUR RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIESYOU HAVE A FIRST AMENDMENT RIGHT TO PERFORM IN THE NEW YORK CITY SUBWAY SYSTEMThe New York City Transit (NYCT) is the subdivision of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) that operates the city’s subways and buses. The NYCT authorizes these types of free expression in subway stations: “Public speaking; distribution of written materials; solicitation for charitable, religious or political causes; and. As a consequence of the regulations, these activities are also protected by the First Amendment of the United States Constitution . Government (in this case, the NYCT) can only regulate the time, place, or manner in which the activities are presented, and only if restricting them advances a substantial government interest. This translates into the following restrictions on performances.
Other performers are independent, and in this guide we refer to them as freelancers. MUNY schedules performances on designated mezzanines in the subway system and commuter railroad terminals. You have to pass an audition to become a member of MUNY. Twice a month, MUNY members receive a schedule (“permit”), which gives them priority in the spots where they are scheduled to perform. You do not have to be a MUNY member to perform in the subway system! Also, MUNY has nothing to do with subway platforms.
YOU HAVE A RIGHT TO PERFORM ACOUSTIC MUSIC ON SUBWAY PLATFORMS AND AMPLIFIED MUSIC ON SUBWAY MEZZANINESFreelancers are authorized to perform on subway platforms. But the NYCT prohibits the use of amplification devices on platforms, including battery- operated Mouse amps and microphones. Freelancers, just like MUNY members, may use amplification when they perform on subway mezzanines. NO CD SALES: Neither MUNY members nor freelancers are authorized to sell CD recordings in the subway system.
Many of them do anyway, and they risk getting ticketed by the Transit Police or having their property confiscated. YOU CAN FREELANCE IN PARTS OF GRAND CENTRAL TERMINALThe MTA Police rules and regulations for Metro- North Railroad state: “Applications for permits to conduct noncommercial activities within Grand Central Terminal may be obtained at the genral superintendent’s office in Grand Central Terminal between the hours of 8: 3.
For more information, go to: http: //www. COURT DECISIONS IN YOUR FAVORBy the 1. U. S. Here are some highlights: Goldstein v.
Town of Nantucket 4. F. Supp. 6. 83 F2d 8. F2d 2. 08 (1. 98. Clair 5. 6 Misc. 2d 3. Criminal Ct. Then guitarst Roger Manning received a summons on the Lexington Avenue & 5. Street platform for “entertaining passengers”, which he challenged in Manhattan Criminal Court.
N0. 38. 02. 5V (Criminal Ct. In this case, the court decided that.
At some remarkable public hearings, musicians, subway riders, politicians, and civil liberties attorneys spoke, sang, and juggled in opposition to the ban. The Transit Authority listened, but it banned amplification devices on platforms instead. Guitarist Lloyd Carew- Reid, who had formed an organization called STAR, Subway Troubadours Against Repression, challenged the amp ban in court. Metropolitan Transportation Authority, 1. WL 3. 21. 6 at 6 (S. D. N. Y. 1. 99. 6), was the first federal case to affirm that. THE TRANSIT POLICEThe Transit Police Bureau is a subdivision of the New York Police Department.
Transit Police officers are responsible for enforcing the NYCT rules and regulations. Many officers are friendly to subway performers, and some really appreciate the way a performance can brighten up the subway environment. At the same time, the police are allowed to use their discretion in implementing the NYCT regulations. So, if a performer is not playing by one of the rules, officers can decide whether to let it go, issue a warning or a ticket, eject the performer from the station, or even put the performer under arrest. If you have a confrontation with the police. Be aware, however, that in doing this, you may run a greater risk of receiving a summons, having your property confiscated, being charged with “disorderly conduct”, or getting arrested.
Complying. Their District Command should have a decibel meter. Harassment. Also, ask riders standing nearby if they are willing to be your witnesses, and if they are, take down their names and phone numbers. Use one of the Confrontation Sheets on this web site to collect all of the information. Then you can call one of the attorneys listed on this web site for further advice.
If you get a ticket, make sure you show up in court or respond by mail before the court date. Most tickets require performers to appear either at the Transit Adjudication Bureau at 5. Fulton Street in Brooklyn, or in Criminal Court at 1. Centre Street in Manhattan.
It is difficult to challenge a ticket if it charges you with violating one of the NYCT rules, but check the ticket for errors. You can also contact one of the attorneys on this web site for advice.
TRANSIT POLICE FACT CHECKDuring our research, we learned from many of you that some Transit Police officers get the rules wrong. Be aware of what’s false and what’s true! FALSE: You need a MUNY permit to perform in the subways. TRUE: Everyone has a right to perform in the subways, subject only to time- place- manner regulations. FALSE: You can perform, but not for donations. TRUE: You are authorized to perform and accept donations.
FALSE: No music is allowed on subway platforms. TRUE: Acoustic music is allowed on platforms. Acoustic or amplified music is allowed on mezzanines. FALSE: Subway music is banned at certain stations. TRUE: Transit Police officers have the discretion to decide whether or not to enforce regulations. They may also tell musicians to lower their volume or to stop performing for a while, for instance, during rush hours.
But they can not keep musicians out of a station permanently. If you feel that some officers are misenforcing the rules, show them a printout of this guide, or let us know! STATION MANAGERSStation Managers are the NYCT employees responsible for monitoring the “quality of life” of their stations. They do this by overseeing any necessary repairs or renovations and by providing customer service to subway riders. Some performers have reported at least as many confrontations with Station Managers as with the Transit Police.
Station Managers do not have the authority to give you tickets, but they have the same discretion as police officers to tell you to lower your volume, or to stop performing at times when an area of the station is very crowded. Here are a few things you can do in confrontations with Station Managers: Objecting. Just realize that this may lead to an escalation of the conflict. Complying. Then you can contact one of the attorneys on this web site for advice on how to proceed.
Educating. They should appreciate learning something about the rules that they didn’t know before! Reporting. Prendergast, at New York City Transit, 3. Jay Street, Brooklyn, NY 1. Or contact us at City Lore, at (2. MUSIC UNDER NEW YORK (MUNY)What it is.
Examining the Benefits of Positive Emotions on Coping and Health. Positive Emotional Granularity and Coping.
The representation of an emotional experience conveys important information to an individual, playing a crucial role in directing and maintaining human action (Clore, Gasper, & Garvin, 2. Clore & Tamir, 2. Feldman Barrett & Gross, 2. Feldman Barrett, Gross, Christensen, & Benvenuto, 2.
Schwarz & Clore, 1. The available evidence suggests that there may be individual differences in how people verbally report their affective experiences, allowing some to manage their emotions more effectively during stressful situations (Feldman Barrett & Gross, 2.
Salovey, Hsee & Mayer, 1. An emerging literature suggests that people represent emotional experiences discretely or globally to varying degrees (Carstensen, Pasupathi, & Mayr, 1. Nesselroade, 2. 00. Feldman Barrett, 1. Lane, Quinlan, Schwartz, Walker, & Zeitlin, 1.
Lane & Schwartz, 1. Lane, Sechrest, Reidel, Weldon, Kaszniak, & Schwartz, 1. Larsen & Cutler, 1.
Individual differences in how one uses emotion words to represent emotional experience are termed emotional granularity (Feldman, 1. Feldman Barrett, 1.
Feldman Barrett & Gross, 2. Highly granular individuals report their emotional experience in differentiated terms with discrete emotion labels (happy, content, sad, angry, etc.) to capture their distinctiveness. For instance, at a given moment, an individual with high emotional granularity would report feeling joy (but not contentment or interest) to represent a distinct subjective experience.
Individuals with less granularity report their experience using discrete emotion labels to communicate only their core affect, typically valence (for reviews of core affect, see Russell, 2. Russell & Feldman Barrett, 1. For instance, at a given moment, an individual with low emotional granularity would report feeling joy, but would also report feeling contentment and interest, thereby representing a general feeling of pleasantness.
Research provides support for the hypothesis that emotional granularity should be associated with coping outcomes. For example, an experience- sampling study found that greater emotional granularity (especially discriminating among negative emotions) was associated with larger repertoires of emotion- regulation strategies. This finding indicates that the ability to recognize and utilize information from discrete, negative emotion concepts can have beneficial effects on emotion regulation (Feldman Barrett, Gross, Christensen, & Benvenuto, 2. The effects of positive emotional granularity have yet to be examined. Rather than grouping all positive emotions together as previously done in early emotions research, current emotion theories indicate that positive emotions can be uniquely classified based on their form and function (e.
Fredrickson, 1. 99. Keltner & Shiota, 2. Shiota & Keltner, 2. For instance, positive emotions can be differentiated on the basis of social relevance, be they interpersonal (e. Storm & Storm, 1. More recent theories indicate that they can be distinctly categorized based on appraisal themes, behavior, and subjective experience (Shiota & Keltner, 2. Moreover, recent work has shown that, beyond traditional behavioral channels often used to discriminate between emotions (e.
Keltner & Shiota, 2. Furthermore, the broaden- and- build theory indicates that positive emotions serve to broaden an individual’s thought- action repertoire; notably, distinct positive emotions broaden and build in different ways (Fredrickson, 1. We argue that representing positive affective states with precision or granularity should exert important influences on coping. This hypothesis stems from research indicating that, in self- relevant situations that are motivationally significant (such as coping), positive emotions facilitate flexible problem solving that is careful, effortful, and thorough, making these strategies quite responsive to situational demands (e.
Isen, 1. 99. 3; 1. These cognitive processes associated with positive emotions are shown to be important for strengthening and improving one’s coping ability (Aspinwall, 1. Trope & Neter, 1. Trope & Pomerantz, 1.
Variations on these cognitive effects of coping can be shown across discrete positive emotions. To illustrate with a few examples, contentment involves present awareness or mindfulness (Fredrickson, 2. Brown & Ryan, 2. Izard, 1. 97. 7; Silvia, 2. Snyder, 2. 00. 1).
Given the important informational value provided by discrete positive emotions and the beneficial effects associated with them, it is plausible that positive emotional granularity should be associated with useful coping styles to manage stress. To test this hypothesis, participants (N = 1. Participants were issued palmtop computers (HP 3. LX) to report on their emotional experience at randomly chosen periods, 1.
The palmtop computers run custom software (Experience Sampling Program, ESP; Barrett & Feldman Barrett, 2. ESP presents 2. 9 affect terms for each sampling occasion. Participants indicate how they feel at that moment according to a 7- point scale (0 = not at all, 3 = a moderate amount, 6 = a great deal). Participants were told to respond as quickly as possible without compromising their accuracy.
Participants were beeped for 1. Specifically, participants were first asked, “Are you experiencing an emotion?” After responding “yes” or “no,” participants were asked to rate the extent to which they felt different affective terms. Emotional granularity indices were derived from the experience- sampling ratings.
In addition to the experience- sampling procedure, participants completed self- report measures of coping. We administered the brief COPE (Carver, 1.
COPE inventory (Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1. The COPE is a multidimensional inventory used to assess the different ways in which people generally respond to stress. The COPE is parsed into 1. Participants also completed the Rational- Experiential Inventory (REI; Epstein, Pacini, Denes- Raj, & Heier, 1.
The rational system is said to operate primarily at the conscious level and is intentional and analytic. In contrast, the experiential system is assumed to be automatic and preconscious. The REI has been used to map the relation between automatic/controlled processing and coping. Previous research indicates that rational (controlled) processing may be more critical for effective coping; more experiential (automatic) processing can at times be adaptive, but, generally, it is ill- suited for coping, which involves solving problems that require logical analysis and an understanding of abstract relations (Epstein et al., 1. Emotional granularity Emotional granularity was computed from experience- sampling ratings.
Average intraclass correlations (ICCs) (cf., Shrout & Fleiss, 1. These intraclass correlations reflect the agreement among self- reported emotional states for each measurement moment over time. Large intraclass correlations indicate that different emotion terms are being used to describe felt experience in the same way (i. For ease of interpretation, ICCs were transformed, such that higher ICCs reflect higher emotional granularity (and lower ICCs reflect lower granularity). To calculate positive emotional granularity, average ICCs from five positive emotion markers (amusement, happiness, interest, joy, pride) were computed for each participant. These emotions were chosen because they represent a broad range of prototypical pleasant emotional states.
Across all participants, average ICCs for positive emotions ranged from ICC = . ICC = . 9. 0, with a mean of ICC = 0. SD = 0. 1. 4). There were no sex or ethnic differences in average ICCs for positive emotions. Emotional granularity and coping We next examined the relations between positive emotional granularity and self- reported indices of coping. Important relations between positive emotional granularity and the COPE subscales emerged. Findings indicated that positive emotional granularity was negatively correlated with scores on the COPE mental self- distraction scale (r = .
Positive emotional granularity was also associated with increased behavioral disengagement (r = . Carver et al., 1.
Interesting relations also emerged between positive emotional granularity and the REI scales. Positive emotional granularity was negatively correlated with automatic coping styles, based on the REI experiential ability (r = . These findings suggest that those with higher positive emotional granularity perceive themselves as less likely to use heuristics to guide coping behavior; rather, they give careful and thorough consideration for various behavioral options to respond to the situation at hand (Epstein et al., 1. The correlations between positive emotional granularity and self- report indices of coping are presented in Table 2. Study 2: Correlations Between Positive/Negative Emotional Granularity and Global Measures of Coping (N = 1. Taken together, these findings indicate that, in a coping context, those with higher positive emotional granularity perceive themselves as being more attentive to the situation at hand, as more likely to scan coping options thoroughly, and as less likely to respond spontaneously.